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Elementa: Science of the Anthropocene 1 January ; 7 Sustainable agriculture is among the most urgently needed work in the United States, for at least three reasons: we face an environmental crisis, a health crisis, and a rural economic crisis.
Addressing these pressing crises through sustainability transition will require growing our agricultural workforce: both because the current farm population is aging, and because sustainable agriculture is knowledge-intensive work that substitutes experiential knowledge of farm ecosystems for harmful industrial inputs. Given its social value, sustainable agriculture ought to be a welcoming profession. But at present, US agriculture is decidedly unwelcoming for nearly all who work in it — and it puts new entry and sustainable farmers at a distinct disadvantage.
In this paper, we first examine why it is so hard to enter and succeed in sustainable farming. We find that new entrants struggle to gain critical access, assets, and assistance, encountering substantial barriers that stand between them and the land, capital, markets, equipment, water, labor, and training and technical assistance they need to succeed.
Secondly, we review promising policy and civil society interventions targeted at addressing these barriers, nearly all of which have already been piloted at the local and state levels or through modest public funding. Such networks can help patch together complementary sources of support e. Finally, we propose additional interventions that are more aspirational today, but that could offer important pathways to support new sustainable farmers in the longer term.
Sustainable agriculture is among the most urgently needed work in the United States, for at least three reasons. For one, we need land stewards to tackle pressing environmental issues: sustainable agriculture is critical to reducing our carbon footprint, sequestering more carbon in the ground, curbing air and water pollution, conserving water and energy, stemming the loss of topsoil and biodiversity, and restoring habitat for pollinators and other keystone species NRC, Secondly, we need greater supply of and access to nutritious food to curb epidemic rates of costly diet-related disease McMillan, And third, economic development is vital in rural areas of the US, where nearly a quarter of children live in poverty USDA, Meeting these pressing needs requires growing and supporting our agricultural workforce: both because the current farm population is aging, and because sustainable agriculture is knowledge-intensive work that substitutes experiential knowledge of farm ecosystems for harmful industrial inputs Timmerman and Felix, Fortunately, a growing, sizable number of US workers and youth are eager to do this work.
As educators and community development professionals, we authors are flooded with inquiries from aspiring farmers looking to hone their skills and start agricultural operations. We admire these people for choosing such an impactful profession and want to encourage them.
But unfortunately, we know how seriously the deck is stacked against their success. By low-input ecological agriculture, we mean biologically diversified farming systems that are designed to supply ecosystem services such as soil fertility and pest management rather than relying on external inputs for those services Kremen et al. Farmers, ranchers, and agroforesters practicing this type of agriculture may describe their operations using terms like organic, permaculture, agroecology, ecological agriculture, or regenerative agriculture, distinguishing themselves from industrial farming systems heavily dependent on chemical and fossil-fuel inputs.
In fact, the highly-anticipated Agriculture Census released by USDA in April found that the average age of new and beginning farmers was Average age of producers by county, The average age of all U. On average, new and beginning farmers are Producers are older in Southern states and younger in Midwestern states.
We leave conventional and established growers out of our analysis not because we believe they are less pivotal to food system transformation. To the contrary, we see such transformations as requiring both the transition of existing farms and a bolstering of the US agrarian workforce with new entrants to sustainable farming. This paper addresses the latter objective, which we see as complementary to the first — and which requires analysis as a distinct policy challenge.
While some policies we recommend cast a broader net — for example, supporting all farmers, supporting all new entry farmers, or supporting both established and new entry sustainable farmers — we highlight in this paper policies that target the particularly challenging situation of new entry sustainable farmers who lack access not just to land, for instance, but to land free from chemical contaminants.
Improving prospects for this particular group of farmers is likely to benefit both young sustainable farmers and sustainable farmers as a whole. We felt that this scope of review was appropriate given that no similar review has been done previously, data on this topic is disparate, and much of the rapidly evolving activity is happening in policy and community spaces.
We developed a core list of topics and keywords as guidance for an extensive search of the peer-reviewed literature and online materials using search engines and the collective knowledge of our author team. The most standardized dataset relevant to our questions — the USDA Census of Agriculture — has informed this analysis, but has key gaps. Thus, we complement USDA data with other data that are not as standardized or comprehensive but help fill in these gaps.
Similarly, data on organic agriculture are helpful for understanding the specific conditions faced by low-input ecological farmers, but the overlap is not perfect in either direction. Not all organic farms are biologically diversified, and not all low-input ecological farmers are certified organic, often precisely because of barriers described in this paper such as insecure land tenure, costs of certification, and lack of access to markets Obach, Given that the primary goal of our paper is to shed light on how to increase access for all new entry sustainable farmers, including those traditionally underserved, we do not want to limit our analysis to those already participating in BFRDP or organic certification.
The heavily concentrated structure of US agriculture helps illuminate multiple barriers that new entry sustainable farmers face. Currently, a mere 3. In almost every key sector of the food system, four firms alone control 40 percent or more of the market, creating a concentration of power that discourages sustainable agricultural initiatives unless these serve corporate interests Howard, As fewer firms have garnered more market power, the US has seen a major demographic slide in rural populations.
From roughly 6. In parallel, production has continued to shift to larger farms that are highly specialized in two or three crops or in livestock. If entering a rapidly consolidating system poses challenges for any new producer, it is particularly treacherous for women and farmers of color.
As of , a mere 14 percent of principal farmers were women, reflecting a decline from a brief burst in the early s of women entering agriculture without male co-farming partners. Deep socio-economic divisions in US agriculture contribute to race, gender, and class disparities.
Of the larger farms, few are owned by corporations; they mostly remain family owned and operated, if still embedded in consolidated agribusiness supply chains USDA, This creates a key advantage for those farmers who can inherit land and capital — an advantage that is deeply racialized.
In —, white farmers generated 98 percent of all farm-related income from land ownership and 97 percent of income from farm owner-operatorship. By contrast, farmers of color including African American or Black, Asian American, Native American, Hawaiian or other Pacific Islander, and Hispanic farmers owned less land and generated less farm-related wealth per person than their white counterparts.
Farmers of color were also more likely to be tenants rather than owners Horst and Marion, Income disparities strongly shape demographic trends among farmers of all races and genders. Such consolidation has been driven by several factors, including financial incentives, with larger farms tending to benefit from greater rates of return MacDonald et al. Specialization in commodity crops has also allowed producers to take greater advantage of federal safety nets such as crop insurance.
While a small number of high grossing farms capture disproportionate profits, the majority of farmers over 70 percent generate only a quarter of their income from agriculture, meaning that many contemporary US growers need multiple off-farm jobs in order to make ends meet USDA ERS, a.
Global agri-food restructuring over the past 40 years has played a major role in steering these demographic trajectories Goodman and Watts, Over the course of these four decades, farmer incomes have become highly volatile because of trade liberalization and financial speculation Lobao and Meyer, ; Baines, In general, crop prices are too low for farmers to make a living, due to structural overproduction, globalized competition, and externalized costs of industrial processes Graddy-Lovelace and Diamond, Like all farmers, new entry farmers must contend with cyclical booms and busts, such as the temporarily high grain prices that encouraged Midwestern farmers to spend more on expensive equipment in As of , soybean and wheat prices have collapsed, and Midwest growers are confronting steep debt repayments.
Dairy farmers face similar conditions due to a milk glut and pricing below production costs Barrett, Given that the majority of obstacles facing new entry farmers are rooted in an economic system favoring industrial agriculture, we now briefly review the political economic and policy history of US agriculture. To support new farmers is to understand what happened, and is happening, to the established ones — and those who have been pushed out of agriculture.
Here, we highlight two key dimensions: racial and gender disparities in agrarian policy; and restructuring of agriculture through policy, technology, and trade. First, the composition of US farmers points to the lingering legacy of a long history of racial, ethnic, and gender discrimination in both government programs and the private sector.
In , there were , Black farmers in the US, despite post-Civil War attempts by white landowners to deny freed slaves any opportunity for land ownership and, thus, the ability to vote White, For many reasons, including Jim Crow laws, racial terrorism, discriminatory agrarian policies, and the Great Migration to northern and western cities, the USDA counted only 45, Black producers by Policy discrimination was not limited to African Americans.
While Blacks were receiving just 1 percent of farm ownership loans as of , Native peoples continued to have their agrarian history, expertise, and opportunities undercut through land loss, including a federal court-sanctioned seizure of Wind River Indian Reservation lands in Women, in turn, were systematically discouraged from entering agriculture at all.
Second, the perilous economic predicament in which many growers find themselves can be traced back to a co-evolving history of 1 Farm Bill policy changes; 2 technological transformation; and 3 global food system restructuring.
Price floors and grain reserves further assured that farmers could cover their costs of production. Beginning in the s, aggressive lobbying by agribusiness slowly eroded this supply control system. Companies such as Cargill and ADM were instrumental in replacing parity policies with mandates that pressed farmers to grow as much grain as possible, an imperative strengthened by the Soviet-American grain deal of Friedmann, The federal government, in turn, was expected to help struggling farmers with direct and emergency payments, thus serving as an indirect subsidy to agribusiness.
These commodity payments largely excluded farmers growing vegetables and fruits and pushed US agriculture into chronic oversupply of cheap, nutrient-poor food. The s Farm Crisis illustrated the folly of this arrangement. Fencerow-to-fencerow production schemes pulled many farmers into a dragnet of debt. Farm consolidation peaked as wealthier growers bought out poorer farmers — only to find their own control over decisions radically diminished Buttel, Beginning in the s, as neoliberal policies began to influence markets and trade, multinational corporations came to dominate the organization of production and consumption on a world scale McMichael, Contract farming became a way of life for many producers, especially in livestock and vegetables.
Free trade agreements such as NAFTA made it more difficult for surviving farmers to insulate themselves from fickle prices and the whims of multinational companies and financial institutions.
Collectively, these technological, legal, and market developments have shaped the context in which new growers are entering agriculture.
These trends suggest that strong barriers exist for new entry farmers overall; the next sections illustrate that the obstacles may be yet higher for those wishing to establish operations based on ecological agriculture. A prevailing dynamic of concentration suggests, moreover, that most new entry farmers are under great pressure to quickly grow large and well-capitalized if they are to persist MacDonald et al.
Thus, the paradox of new entrants is that the easiest way for them to survive is to get big as fast as possible, adopt environmentally damaging methods, suppress expenditures on labor, and specialize in a few crops instead of diversifying their production — all antithetical to the core principles of socially-just, sustainable agriculture Guthman At the same time, new entrants are pitted both against one another and against established growers who survive by consolidating land from those who leave.
The newly released USDA Census data reveal how this pattern plays out over a roughly ten-year time frame. As shown in Table 1 , trends for new and beginning farmers are on an encouraging uptick for the first five years of entry into farming.
However, moving past the 5-year mark, the trends shift course. The number of farmers reporting 6 to 10 years of operating on any farm declined by roughly 7 percent between and , and farmers reporting 11 years on the farm fell off by 9 percent. These shrinking populations beyond 5 years suggest that while entry into agriculture poses huge barriers, hanging onto a farm is more challenging still.
In the following sections, we focus on the particular obstacles for new entry farmers, while recognizing that their fate is tightly hitched to the struggles of old ones. New Farmer Populations Over Time. In order to farm, new farmers must build up and sustain productive assets that enable them to grow crops or raise livestock, and bring these products to market. These assets include, at a minimum, land, water, equipment, inputs, labor, and knowledge or skills and information.
New farmers also need social networks to transmit knowledge, pool resources, and lower the transaction costs of farmer-to-farmer collaboration. Some assets are physical, others are socio-economic, and others are cognitive or experience-based.
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